John R. Gold
School of Social Sciences and Law, Oxford Brookes University
and
Margaret M. Gold
London Metropolitan Business School, London Metropolitan University
Commerce, creativity and urban cultural festivals: interrogating the changing experience of carnival
The relationship between cultural festivals and the creative economy of towns and cities is complex and constantly evolving. This paper takes the specific example of carnival – one of the oldest yet most malleable forms of urban festivity – to examine, first, the ways in which festivals have become embedded in urban cultural life, and, secondly, the opportunities and challenges that they offer for promoting creative production.
The paper comprises three sections. The first introduces the growth of cultural festivals and their significance as part of the urban agenda. It shows that while even long-established events may seem unchanging expressions of the traditional social order, in many cases their rationale has been reshaped by reinvention to address contemporary concerns. The second introduces carnival-as-event and shows how modern practices are shaped by the resolution of three sets of binary relationship: tradition-modernity, sacred-secular and order-transgression. The third takes the example of the recovery of the cultural and creative sector of New Orleans after Hurricane Katrina (2005). It emphasises the divergence of opinions about suitable strategy found amongst both the major local stakeholders and wider US society. The closing commentary takes stock of these divergences of opinion. While recognising the glimpses that this event supplies into the cultural politics of ‘normalization’, at the same time it also warns about the dangers of thin readings of the carnivalesque.
Nick Crosson Director of Research, Greater Philadelphia Cultural Alliance Politics and pragmatics: Economic and populist arguments in cultural advocacy in U.S. cities
In recent years, arguments for the economic benefits of arts and culture for cities have risen to the fore in the US. Why? Although this work highlights financial and employment benefits, it is not the case that they demonstrate an instrumental value for culture apart from its intrinsic values. In Philadelphia, arguments are moving towards populist justifications and, further, research to demonstrate populist support for arts and culture. What types of research can help win the day? In the course of this paper, the author will show some of the work meant to link arts and culture to a broad conception of citizenship and political participation.
Both economic and populist arguments stand firmly within traditions of pragmatist political arguments that date back at least to American political philosopher John Dewey. What does this tradition offer in the way of thoroughgoing framework to support both types of arguments? Are such arguments particularly American? The author will argue that, whether they are or not, they are particularly well-suited in the absence of a unified conception of a singular purpose for the arts. In the current economic climate, pragmatism in the support of arts and culture may hold sway.
Chris Gibbon
Consultant, BOP Consulting, Londres The creative economy beyond the city centre: a British perspective
The paper will explore the geography of creative industry employment in Britain. While the highest numbers of creative jobs and most of the high-profile firms are still found in city centres (especially London), an analysis of the creative industries’ percentage share of the workforce suggests that some suburban areas and smaller cities do relatively well compared with bigger cities.
In particular, places in London’s hinterland often have higher percentage shares than some cities in northern England do. The paper will discuss some of the possible reasons for this. They include: the small size of many creative firms; the importance of a good environment to ‘lifestyle’ businesses; the need for good transport links; the dependence of the creative industries on educated labour; and the need for access to affluent consumers and a strong private sector. On Britain these factors tend to be found especially in parts of North and West London, and in the wider London city-region.
Northern cities are poorer, with less educated workforces and, often, weaker transport links. Consequently creative industries have less of an effect on their economies, and less impact on the surrounding areas of a city. Does this have implications for creative industry policy? There is some evidence that creative industries contribute to wider business innovation through branding and marketing. Taken together with the other factors described earlier, this suggests the creative industries may have more of a role in helping relatively strong areas to deepen their range of economic activity than in kick-starting regeneration in economically depressed places.
Ralf Ebert
Director of STADTart, Lecturer in Town Planning Technische Univesität Dortmund
and
Klaus R. Kunzmann Medium Sized Cities and Creative Spaces?
Screening the intensive international discourse on creative cities and creative industries, it seems that a creative city has to be a metropolis. Big cities use the fashionable term to review their local and regional development policies, to streamline their strategies, to initiate innovative programmes and “creative” projects, and to promote creativity to market their cities and regions at home and abroad. They are supported by the media and by professional and academic belief that cultural industries can only be successful, if they are located in larger urban agglomerations. As a rule, medium-sized cities are considered to be Cinderellas in this respect. Wrongly, they are seen as locations where creativity and creative industries cannot survive and flourish. Experience shows, however, that medium-sized cities are equally equipped to promote creativity and creative industries.
The presentation will discuss ways and means how smaller and medium-sized cities (with a population of 60.000 to 200.000) can promote their own creative industries and local creative quarter by developing well-adjusted urban development policies based on the geographical location, on historical and cultural footprints and on the endogenous potential of local arts and crafts. Thereby the physical and local socio-economic conditions, as well as the wider politico-administrative context are essential factors when developing local strategies to enhance and foster local creative industries, or attracting such industries from nearby metropolitan cities.
Based on own case studies and experiences in medium-sized cities in Germany the presentation will demonstrate, how integrated strategies could be elaborated, how creative quarters, spaces and projects in such cities could be selected, and how implementation processes could be initiated and managed.
Jean-Louis Bonnin Cultural Advisor to the mayor of Nantes Le cas de Nantes Métropole Ville Créative
Prendre en compte la société de la connaissance et considérer les clusters culturels et créatifs comme facteurs de développement territorial ne peut être l’apanage des mégalopoles / capitales du monde. Les villes intermédiaires, moyennes, d’Europe ont une place et un rôle à jouer dans ces stratégies internationales.
Le projet de développement de Nantes (290 000 habitants) et de l’aire Nantaise (800 000 habitants) s’inscrit dans cette volonté. Après une description rapide des conditions économiques (fermetures des chantiers navals, d’entreprises de l’agroalimentaire…) et politiques (changement d’équipe municipale en 1989) qui ont provoqué la mise en œuvre d’une politique audacieuse (aménagement urbain, mobilité, transport, culture…), seront présentées.
Pour ouvrir le débat nous évoquerons l’environnement et les conditions d’un développement durable, les contraintes et difficultés d’une ville moyenne pour s’inscrire dans le réseau des villes créatives et innovantes.
Graeme Evans
Director of Cities Institute, London Metropolitan University
Creative Cities and Urban Policy in Small & Medium-Sized Cities
Creative City discourses, policies and strategies draw heavily on exemplar Cultural Capitals and World Creative Cities. Smaller cities increasingly emulate their status and celebrated formulas for encouraging creative activity in terms of attracting the creative class, cultural tourist and higher skilled professional jobs; developing creative spaces and facilities – including the cultural icon and outpost (e.g. Tate, Pompidou, Guggenheim) – and hosting competitive festivals (e.g. European City and Capital of Culture, EXPO, Biennales). The paper will present an analysis of creative city strategies adopted by city and regional bodies, distinguishing the established creative cities from smaller and aspirational cities that seek to reposition their economic and cultural capital, and the extent to which they draw on endogenous cultural assets and heritage, or exogenous growth sectors and interventions such as digital media, creative clusters, workspace and new events & festivals.
Francesco Gastaldi Researcher in Town Planning, Instituto Universitario di Architettura di Venezia Genova, dalle Colombiane 1992 a Capitale Europea della Cultura 2004. Grandi eventi e processi di rigenerazione urbana
In the context of urban transformations that occurred in Genova during the last 20 years, large-scale events (EXPO 1992 celebrating the 500th anniversary of the discovery of the Americas, G8 Summit in July 2001, Genova European Capital of Culture in 2004) played a crucial role by attracting huge economic investments, activating social capital and redefining the city’s image.
A large urban transformation, regeneration and maintenance process involving the city’s historical centre and port waterfront was a determining factor in starting the reverse of physical, economic and social trends plaguing
several parts of the central area of the city. The improvement of these negative trends allowed for the creation of a new public seaside area connecting the port basin with the historical city centre. The opening of the new Architecture School in the historical centre spurred gentrification in the area, with its resulting settlement of singles and young couples nearby. In particular, 2004 — the year of Genova European Capital of Culture — represented a rebirth for Genova, solidly establishing its role in the panorama of national and European cultural and turistic flows. This paper evaluates the effects of these large-scale city events.
Abstracts
John R. Gold
School of Social Sciences and Law, Oxford Brookes University
and
Margaret M. Gold
London Metropolitan Business School, London Metropolitan University
Commerce, creativity and urban cultural festivals: interrogating the changing experience of carnival
The relationship between cultural festivals and the creative economy of towns and cities is complex and constantly evolving. This paper takes the specific example of carnival – one of the oldest yet most malleable forms of urban festivity – to examine, first, the ways in which festivals have become embedded in urban cultural life, and, secondly, the opportunities and challenges that they offer for promoting creative production.
The paper comprises three sections. The first introduces the growth of cultural festivals and their significance as part of the urban agenda. It shows that while even long-established events may seem unchanging expressions of the traditional social order, in many cases their rationale has been reshaped by reinvention to address contemporary concerns. The second introduces carnival-as-event and shows how modern practices are shaped by the resolution of three sets of binary relationship: tradition-modernity, sacred-secular and order-transgression. The third takes the example of the recovery of the cultural and creative sector of New Orleans after Hurricane Katrina (2005). It emphasises the divergence of opinions about suitable strategy found amongst both the major local stakeholders and wider US society. The closing commentary takes stock of these divergences of opinion. While recognising the glimpses that this event supplies into the cultural politics of ‘normalization’, at the same time it also warns about the dangers of thin readings of the carnivalesque.
Nick Crosson
Director of Research, Greater Philadelphia Cultural Alliance
Politics and pragmatics: Economic and populist arguments in cultural advocacy in U.S. cities
In recent years, arguments for the economic benefits of arts and culture for cities have risen to the fore in the US. Why? Although this work highlights financial and employment benefits, it is not the case that they demonstrate an instrumental value for culture apart from its intrinsic values. In Philadelphia, arguments are moving towards populist justifications and, further, research to demonstrate populist support for arts and culture. What types of research can help win the day? In the course of this paper, the author will show some of the work meant to link arts and culture to a broad conception of citizenship and political participation.
Both economic and populist arguments stand firmly within traditions of pragmatist political arguments that date back at least to American political philosopher John Dewey. What does this tradition offer in the way of thoroughgoing framework to support both types of arguments? Are such arguments particularly American? The author will argue that, whether they are or not, they are particularly well-suited in the absence of a unified conception of a singular purpose for the arts. In the current economic climate, pragmatism in the support of arts and culture may hold sway.
Chris Gibbon
Consultant, BOP Consulting, Londres
The creative economy beyond the city centre: a British perspective
The paper will explore the geography of creative industry employment in Britain. While the highest numbers of creative jobs and most of the high-profile firms are still found in city centres (especially London), an analysis of the creative industries’ percentage share of the workforce suggests that some suburban areas and smaller cities do relatively well compared with bigger cities.
In particular, places in London’s hinterland often have higher percentage shares than some cities in northern England do. The paper will discuss some of the possible reasons for this. They include: the small size of many creative firms; the importance of a good environment to ‘lifestyle’ businesses; the need for good transport links; the dependence of the creative industries on educated labour; and the need for access to affluent consumers and a strong private sector. On Britain these factors tend to be found especially in parts of North and West London, and in the wider London city-region.
Northern cities are poorer, with less educated workforces and, often, weaker transport links. Consequently creative industries have less of an effect on their economies, and less impact on the surrounding areas of a city. Does this have implications for creative industry policy? There is some evidence that creative industries contribute to wider business innovation through branding and marketing. Taken together with the other factors described earlier, this suggests the creative industries may have more of a role in helping relatively strong areas to deepen their range of economic activity than in kick-starting regeneration in economically depressed places.
Ralf Ebert
Director of STADTart, Lecturer in Town Planning Technische Univesität Dortmund
and
Klaus R. Kunzmann
Medium Sized Cities and Creative Spaces?
Screening the intensive international discourse on creative cities and creative industries, it seems that a creative city has to be a metropolis. Big cities use the fashionable term to review their local and regional development policies, to streamline their strategies, to initiate innovative programmes and “creative” projects, and to promote creativity to market their cities and regions at home and abroad. They are supported by the media and by professional and academic belief that cultural industries can only be successful, if they are located in larger urban agglomerations. As a rule, medium-sized cities are considered to be Cinderellas in this respect. Wrongly, they are seen as locations where creativity and creative industries cannot survive and flourish. Experience shows, however, that medium-sized cities are equally equipped to promote creativity and creative industries.
The presentation will discuss ways and means how smaller and medium-sized cities (with a population of 60.000 to 200.000) can promote their own creative industries and local creative quarter by developing well-adjusted urban development policies based on the geographical location, on historical and cultural footprints and on the endogenous potential of local arts and crafts. Thereby the physical and local socio-economic conditions, as well as the wider politico-administrative context are essential factors when developing local strategies to enhance and foster local creative industries, or attracting such industries from nearby metropolitan cities.
Based on own case studies and experiences in medium-sized cities in Germany the presentation will demonstrate, how integrated strategies could be elaborated, how creative quarters, spaces and projects in such cities could be selected, and how implementation processes could be initiated and managed.
Jean-Louis Bonnin
Cultural Advisor to the mayor of Nantes
Le cas de Nantes Métropole Ville Créative
Prendre en compte la société de la connaissance et considérer les clusters culturels et créatifs comme facteurs de développement territorial ne peut être l’apanage des mégalopoles / capitales du monde. Les villes intermédiaires, moyennes, d’Europe ont une place et un rôle à jouer dans ces stratégies internationales.
Le projet de développement de Nantes (290 000 habitants) et de l’aire Nantaise (800 000 habitants) s’inscrit dans cette volonté. Après une description rapide des conditions économiques (fermetures des chantiers navals, d’entreprises de l’agroalimentaire…) et politiques (changement d’équipe municipale en 1989) qui ont provoqué la mise en œuvre d’une politique audacieuse (aménagement urbain, mobilité, transport, culture…), seront présentées.
Pour ouvrir le débat nous évoquerons l’environnement et les conditions d’un développement durable, les contraintes et difficultés d’une ville moyenne pour s’inscrire dans le réseau des villes créatives et innovantes.
Graeme Evans
Director of Cities Institute, London Metropolitan University
Creative Cities and Urban Policy in Small & Medium-Sized Cities
Creative City discourses, policies and strategies draw heavily on exemplar Cultural Capitals and World Creative Cities. Smaller cities increasingly emulate their status and celebrated formulas for encouraging creative activity in terms of attracting the creative class, cultural tourist and higher skilled professional jobs; developing creative spaces and facilities – including the cultural icon and outpost (e.g. Tate, Pompidou, Guggenheim) – and hosting competitive festivals (e.g. European City and Capital of Culture, EXPO, Biennales). The paper will present an analysis of creative city strategies adopted by city and regional bodies, distinguishing the established creative cities from smaller and aspirational cities that seek to reposition their economic and cultural capital, and the extent to which they draw on endogenous cultural assets and heritage, or exogenous growth sectors and interventions such as digital media, creative clusters, workspace and new events & festivals.
Francesco Gastaldi
Researcher in Town Planning, Instituto Universitario di Architettura di Venezia
Genova, dalle Colombiane 1992 a Capitale Europea della Cultura 2004. Grandi eventi e processi di rigenerazione urbana
In the context of urban transformations that occurred in Genova during the last 20 years, large-scale events (EXPO 1992 celebrating the 500th anniversary of the discovery of the Americas, G8 Summit in July 2001, Genova European Capital of Culture in 2004) played a crucial role by attracting huge economic investments, activating social capital and redefining the city’s image.
A large urban transformation, regeneration and maintenance process involving the city’s historical centre and port waterfront was a determining factor in starting the reverse of physical, economic and social trends plaguing
several parts of the central area of the city. The improvement of these negative trends allowed for the creation of a new public seaside area connecting the port basin with the historical city centre. The opening of the new Architecture School in the historical centre spurred gentrification in the area, with its resulting settlement of singles and young couples nearby. In particular, 2004 — the year of Genova European Capital of Culture — represented a rebirth for Genova, solidly establishing its role in the panorama of national and European cultural and turistic flows. This paper evaluates the effects of these large-scale city events.